Monday, December 11, 2017

Battery Park and Edgemoor Citizens Associations keep Bethesda from being mixed income community



[Update Jan 17, 2018 image of church zoning request sign added showing PD-44 allows same land use change as TS-R did for BCC Rescue Squad]


In this article and clip 


 Planning board Chairman Casey Anderson told the council that the TS-R zone is intended for areas where multi-family housing already exists or where it’s intended in the future. He said the planning board voted last week to approve the amendment because the burden will still remain on the rescue squad to prove the site should be rezoned.
However, Steve Teitelbaum, a representative of the Battery Park Citizens Association, told councilmembers that the zoning change would only apply to the rescue squad site because it’s the only property that filed a TS-R rezoning application before the May 1 deadline to file under the old zoning guidelines. The TS-R zone will be eliminated at the end of October when zoning code rewrites approved in March go into effect.
Teitelbaum said that because the zoning amendment would only apply to the rescue squad site, “it’s a special law for a special case and therefore illegal under Maryland law.”
Jim Humphrey, a member of the Montgomery County Civic Federation, agreed with Teitelbaum’s assessment and said he won a case against a similar zoning change in Montgomery County Circuit Court.
“We’re confident this zoning text amendment would not survive judicial scrutiny,” Humphrey said, adding that state law prohibits zoning code changes that would only be applied to a single site in a county.
Patrick O’Neil, the land use attorney representing the rescue squad, said that if the change is approved, the rescue squad would still be required to apply to have its property rezoned under the new amendment, which would require additional scrutiny from the Montgomery Planning Board and County Council to ensure that the zone would mesh with the surrounding community.
The council’s Planning, Housing and Economic Development Committee plans to review the proposed amendment Sept. 22 [2014].








Jim L. Humphrey cites



All of the properties recommended for TS-R zoning in the Bethesda CBD Sector Plan are located in the Transit Station Residential District of the Plan area. And the Plan contains language in its Transit Station Residential District section that limits retail space as a TS-R zone ancillary commercial use to "locations along Hampden Lane, and on or near Woodmont Avenue across from the Metro Core District", and only permits office uses "in locations along Arlington Road and Montgomery Lane."
There is Plan language regarding commercial uses on all anticipated TS-R properties in Bethesda, namely those in the Transit Station Residential District. These are limited under Sec.59-C-8.54(a) of the County Code [see text above]. But there is no Plan language regarding ancillary commercial uses for a TS-R zoned property on Battery Lane, since such an occurrence was not anticipated or recommended in the Plan. Such uses would be guided by Sec.59-C- 8.54(b) of the County Code [see text above]. Permitted land uses, therefore, are an additional basis on which ZTA 14-08 would allow the Battery Lane site to be treated differently than all others--certainly differently than all those sites in Bethesda considered for TS-R rezoning in the past (and to reiterate, no future TS-R rezonings are allowed under the new code).
As Montgomery County Circuit Court Judge John W. Debelius III wrote in his August 5, 2003 Opinion that struck down Council enactment of another single-member class zoning law (ZTA 02-04):
"The enactment of 'special laws for special cases' is generally inappropriate... Even an ordinance which does not on its face identify a specific property or situation, will run afoul of the prohibition if its practical and intended effect
is to address one situation in a statutory plan already covered by a general law."
The argument could be made that the TS-R Zone might be resurrected by the current or some subsequent County Council, and the amended standards proposed in ZTA 14-08 could be applied to other sites in future. But at this time, only the Battery Lane site in Bethesda could take advantage of the alteration of the TS-R zone being considered in ZTA 14-08. An identical conclusion to the finding made by Judge Debelius in 2003 is inescapable at this time--"There simply are no other properties that qualify."
We do not believe that Council approval of Zoning Text Amendment 14-08 could survive judicial scrutiny and, respectfully, request the Planning Board to urge Council not to approve it. Thank you. 









his past success at stopping what he calls ’spot zoning’ (zoning law change intended for one property owner’s plans to use their property). 


  The second attempt to stop new multi-family (apartment or condominium) housing construction within the Bethesda Downtown Plan and its Sector Plan areas became moot by B-CC Rescue (ambulance) Squad neighbor Christ Lutheran Church redevelopment [not] under the same land use authority. 


As of Jan 15, 2018 PD-44 zoning authority for BCC Rescue Squad neighbor allows same use change multifamily units with church



[The PD-44 zoning authority allows the same land use change, a church and community center with multi-family housing, as TS-R zoning authority next door, multi-family housing and an rescue squad base.]


  Christ Lutheran church had a development plan rejected 2006 and later accepted between 2014 & 2017 to build a church and housing in one structure.  A street [Glenbrook Road] that intersects with Old Georgetown Rd (route 187) may or may not be closed to preserve rural quiet, urban location and high income ‘neighborhood character’ for owners of suburban renewal, McMansion teardowns on one side according to a Planning Department sign (image two paragraphs above) on the Christ Lutheran Church site. 


   The zoning change in September 2001 that ultimately resulted in the development (construction) of the “Upstairs Bethesda” apartments with set-back upper floors (reducing unit count to spread the common maintenance costs over) with the building cut into two segments making space for a pedestrian-only street (Bethesda Lane) further reducing unit count that made the smaller total of apartments more expensive and the 12.5% mpdu share expressed in number of apartments smaller) wasn’t even ‘spot zoning’ to begin with

Height limit increase passed Sept 2001 applied to sites in Bethesda and Wheaton 1,500 feet from wmata rail station and 300 feet from s/f house-only neighborhood


as it was applied to sites other than Bethesda where no new construction plans (development) had been submitted for approval.  That no ‘market’ existed in the other places, to attract new mixed use construction (demonized as ‘development’) isn’t the fault of Federal Realty Investment Trust.  The lawsuit and hearing examiner appeal simply raised the developer’s costs that were passed on long term in residential and commercial rents depressing business demand that left one storefront, formerly rented to City Sports, vacant from December 2015 to 2018 when Amazon will open a ‘brick and mortar’ bookstore a block away from the former location of a Barnes and Noble bookstore Amazon helped to put out of business.



   That’s all the opponents of building “Upstairs Bethesda” ever meant by ‘conformity with master and sector plans’ the conformity of the income and wealth between existing residents and new residents.  People do not look alike on the ‘outside’ but their income and assets (on the ‘inside’) sure do look alike.  



   The “Battery Lane Coalition” is simply repeating the Edgemoor Citizens Association strategy of suing the ‘developer’ until they negotiate housing that is ‘compatible with the neighborhood’ or in ‘conformity with master and sector plans’ that are both code words for class segregation with as few new below-median-income people as possible while still plausibly denying the NIMBY position to affordable housing.   Michelle Rosenfeld is filling the role that David Brown and Norman Knopf filled by representing Jim Humphrey and other Edgemoor ‘citizens/civic association’ members who opposed the 'development' (construction) of what became one of the most expensive apartment buildings in Bethesda when built


   By April 2015 even Jim Humphrey sold his house that was torn down as one more example of mansionization or 'suburban renewal.' 


   Don't want new ambulance station construction outsourced to developers? Maybe voters should have thought of that in November 2016 and voted "no" on term limits in a 2016 tax revolt against a legally-permitted unanimous council vote to raise property taxes higher than the CPI, or not signed petitions, in the first place.  Donate more to the new B-CC Rescue Squad station capital fundraising drive if large mortgages allow discretionary spending.  The professionalization of past volunteer fire and ambulance (rescue) departments is a sign of growth from a rural and suburban to a rural and urban county.  The training needs met at a central location are fiscally conservative compared to each department holding trainings separately. 


    
  Local elected leaders are praised, by the 'citizens/civic' actually s/f homeowner community, as either ‘community friendly’ or ‘responsive to their constituents’ as code words for ‘doing what their constituents want all the time without compromising the Montgomery County values they were elected to represent.’  Class segregation results are denied at individual levels by repeating ‘that’s the housing market’ of a ‘sustainable community’ while denying the role of, in hindsight, frivolous land use lawsuits in rigging that 'housing market' to exclude all but a plausibly deniable (to deny the NIMBY position) amount of below-median-income housing.  People still call themselves socially liberal or progressive (and fiscally conservative) based on their fighting local campaign donor influence of 'developers' with support for activism on social issues focused on volunteering and private donations (for tax deductions) rather than paying, what Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes described, “taxes” that “are the price of civilization [civil society].”

Friday, December 8, 2017

More tangible action to house homeless than to prevent displacement and homelessness







    The goal of 55% of trips in the Bethesda Downtown Plan borders being taken by Metro, bicycle,  or some form of shared (no use of term “common carrier”) transportation by the time built development hits 30.4 million square feet


 County Council members on Tuesday stripped staging out of the downtown Bethesda growth plan, producing a version that all but one of them could get behind.
A council committee and staff recommended halting development at 30.4 million square feet, which would allow about 2.2 million square feet beyond what is currently standing and approved in Bethesda. To build the rest of the 4.2 million square feet permitted under the plan, Bethesda would have to meet certain targets for reduced reliance on single-occupant cars.
But the full council scrapped this two-step process. Instead, members opted to set goals for Bethesda commuting patterns, require transportation officials to come up with a strategy for achieving them and institute progress checks.
“There’s a difference between a red light and a flashing yellow. This is a flashing yellow,” council President Roger Berliner said.
Under the revised plan’s goals, at least 55 percent of Bethesda commuters would be traveling by bicycle, Metro or some other form of shared transportation by the time development hits the 30.4 million-square-foot benchmark. If this target isn’t achieved, council members would have the option to halt growth without reconsidering the entire Bethesda Downtown Sector Plan, Berliner said. However, the development freeze wouldn’t happen automatically.
Council members supported this version of the sector plan, a two-decade growth vision, by a straw vote of 8-1, with only council member Marc Elrich in opposition. Elrich said he couldn’t back a proposal that lacked staging. The council likely will vote on a final plan in coming weeks.
The Coalition of Bethesda Area Residents and other community groups have also favored phasing development to prevent growth from overwhelming infrastructure, such as schools and roads.
But county planners have argued the sector plan is so modest in scale that including stages could trigger a development freeze without any significant headway on transportation goals. The proposed Marriott headquarters project alone will consume an estimated 400,000 square feet of the additional 4.2 million square feet allowed by the plan, according to county staff reports.
During Tuesday’s meeting, the council made a number of other plan changes, such as:
    •    reducing the height cap for Chevy Chase Acura dealership site (7725 Wisconsin Ave.) from 200 to 145 feet;
    •    lowering the height cap for the Saul property (8001 Wisconsin Ave.) from 120 to 90 feet;
    •    limiting to 90 feet heights for a row of properties east of Wisconsin Avenue and north of Cheltenham Drive; and
    •    limiting to 70 feet heights for 4715 Chestnut Street, 4719 Chestnut Street and 8321 Wisconsin Ave.
Berliner said he’s pleased with the balance that council members have achieved between stimulating growth that will create parks and affordable housing and respecting the community’s wishes to focus high-rise projects away from neighborhoods.
“I feel like the people that live there today are getting public amenities that they desire, and I think we’re creating a more vibrant Bethesda that is really going to be a great boon for our county and our residents,” he said.







 with an option of a development freeze (used to be called a ‘building moratorium’) will be reached by enough new residents shifting car ownership costs to higher housing costs and subscription car and bicycle rental (not car and bike ‘sharing’) monthly bills for ‘access’ instead of ownership of a car or a bicycle.



   Affordable housing will only be provided for those who can afford to keep living (wait list eligibility criterion of residence) in Montgomery County, MD for 5-10 years at problematically rising ‘market’ rates. 

   Permitting the construction of ’as few new units as possible in all sector plan areas to plausibly deny the nimby position’ is the basis for the current and foreseeable future affordable housing policy.  The policy has been implemented only for housing formerly homeless people such as Cordell Place.


 [dead link by Dec 8, 2017]
 http://admin.infomontgomery.org/query/programs.aspx?PrgID=1453


 [what formerly loaded in 2016 when content originally retrieved]


Montgomery County Coalition For The Homeless
Other Programs:  Cordell Place;   Creative Housing Initiative Pilot Program;   Home Builders Care Assessment Center;  Home Builders Care Assessment Center -Winter Shelter;  Home First;   Hope Housing;   Partnership For Permanent Housing;   Safe Havens;   Seneca Heights Apartments;
PROGRAM DESCRIPTION
Cordell Place is MCCH’s newest housing program, providing permanent supportive housing to formerly homeless individuals in an apartment building in downtown Bethesda.
http://www.mcch.net


SERVICE(S)
Homeless Permanent Supportive Housing

POPULATION
SERVED
Adults

Subsidized Rental Housing Residents

Previously Homeless People

Ages: 18-100
Language Available: English; Korean; Spanish
INTAKE &
ELIGIBILITY
Eligibility Requirements: Must be referred from within the homeless system. Single homeless adult men and women who are able to live independently but have need of on site supportive services. Some of the population must be chronically homeless. Must have some income below 40% AMI.
Required Intake Process: Referral Required
FEES
Amount:$150.00
Payment Description: secuity deposit and 30% of income for rent
Payment Option: ; Other: 30% of income for rent
AREA(S) SERVED
All County


DELIVERY SITE(S)
Cordell Place
4715 Cordell Ave
Bethesda, MD, 20814
  
Months of Services:
Year Round
  
Hours of Services:
24 Hours/ 7 Days
CONTACT(S)
Information Number
main number
301-217-0314
mcch@mcch.net
ANNOUNCEMENT

UPDATED
08/03/2015

 






Cordell Place was an office to apartment building conversion built between 2009 and 2012 that was donated to Montgomery County, with operation outsourced to the Montgomery County Coalition for the Homeless, as an offsite ‘amenity to allow building somewhere else,’ with continuing inadequate supply of below median income units to meet demand, in the Woodmont Triangle or Bethesda Downtown sector planning area.  


  As of 2007 

According to the HOC, more than 20,000 households are on the county’s waiting list for some type of low-income public housing.

people representing 20,000 households were on the waiting list.  The waiting list 'growth' may have only been managed by attrition that occurs every time a person moves out of Montgomery County to another county while in many cases continues to work in Montgomery County.  


   The change in the percentage of county employees living within the county they work for, as a representative sample of working to upper middle class income-earning workers


 ‘‘Our work force lives in West Virginia, Pennsylvania and the outskirts of Maryland,” said Council President Michael J. Knapp (D-Dist. 2) of Germantown, who agrees with Leggett’s proposal. ‘‘Now is the time to take action. All of our work force should live here.”
Of the 8,689 full-time workers employed by the county government, 43 percent live outside the county, said Donna Bigler, a county spokeswoman.



with cognizance of retirements and resignations illustrates the affordability, or lack thereof, of the Montgomery County, Md 'housing market.'

   Congestion on I-270 and local roads (by people unwilling or unable to pay the tolls on Md route 200 (ICC) as well as route 29 that created enough acknowledged demand to build the 'political will' for 'bus rapid transit' by 2021 while still not doing any more in the Viers Mill Road (route 586) corridor than breaking up the metrobus Q2 route by skipping stops along various routes now labelled Q1-6, is a sign of the displacement to other jurisdictions as a result of inadequate class integration of all Montgomery County neighborhoods/subdivisions/master and sector plan areas.  Population growth in Frederick, Howard and Anne Arundel Counties as well as Baltimore City and County demonstrate the working and middle class displacement from Montgomery County.  Montgomery County median income increases also show the working and middle class displacement.  


   Further illustrating the displacement of working and middle class residents from Bethesda was the case of an affordable housing preservation ‘battle’ on Battery Lane 



 Members of Council will undoubtedly approve the new policy, and will likely use the vote as an opportunity to once again exhort the great need for affordable housing. Butt on September 25 the Council approved rezoning of property on Battery Lane in Bethesda on which 240 affordably priced garden apartments now exist, which will be replaced with 700 new apartments under the rezoning, 105 of which will be affordable under the county's Moderately Priced Dwelling Unit program.
So on the one hand Council members will encourage the preservation of existing affordable dwellings in the new Housing Policy, yet they recently voted to reduce the number of affordable apartments from 240 to 105 on one street in Bethesda.








was lost, long term, as every time someone moves out the replacement tenant pays an opaque rent increase for same unit.  

  When people buy housing they can look up property ownership and tax records to learn what a house has sold for over time.  Apartment-hunters have no way of knowing what rent the tenant who moved out (creating the vacancy) paid to measure the rent inflation at unit turnover.  Individual decisions to 'take it or leave it' don't restrain the rent inflation at tenant turnover to provide adequate numbers of affordable rental units in the 'free market' without some type of rent stabilization if not control perhaps making exceeding the recommended rent increase guidelines (based on CPI changes) subject to as much means-testing for landlords as tenants must satisfy for eligibility for HOC (local public housing authority) programs. 


   Apartment building owners roll most of their maintenance costs into turnover maintenance not to retain existing tenants at lower rent increases at each lease renewal.  Buildings aren’t torn down with mass displacement the same buildings become more expensive each time someone moves out rather than accepting a rent increase to stay.  Displacement still happens each time someone moves out but it’s on a smaller scale that no one notices until after too long a time period to resist. The only response by the County Executive and Council is the start of a landlord-tenant mediation program, publicized with billboards on Montgomery County Ride On buses marketed with the slogan "Renters Have Rights" to attempt to resolve maintenance disputes without a tenant simply choosing the 'free market' option of moving out allowing the landlord to continue the provision of most maintenance after tenant turnover with the costs paid by new tenants paying regressively higher rents over time.  

   The original total of 240 'affordable' apartments became regressively less affordable each time one unit 'turns over' by a tenant moving out rather than paying more rent that has risen from about $975/month in 2000 to $1575 by 2016 with new tenants paying as much as $1680 for similarly sized one bedroom units (figures based on experience of author of this post whose identity not wished to be public).  The difference in rent between continuing tenant $1575 and new tenant $1680 shows the inclusion of more maintenance costs to attract new higher income tenants rather than to retain existing tenants.   The expected requirement of 105 MPD (moderately priced dwelling) units is grossly inadequate based on the HOC waiting list figure of 20,000 in 2007 and whatever the figure has changed to (probably about 20,000) by 2017.  The legal change requiring 15% of new Bethesda Downtown master plan area apartments and condos to be MPD units, instead of the historic 12.5% shows the resistance to inclusionary zoning that still exists since 1975 when the law was passed.




       

Tuesday, December 5, 2017

Personal 'trade-offs' of car-free living to afford housing result from bad public fiscal policy




  In the spirit of what I wrote here the disability right to live in a community one chooses to live in (not an RTC/institution) is intersectional with local planning and land use AKA zoning.

  There are some people with disabilities who are wealthy but the frequently quoted statistic "70% of people with disabilities are unemployed or underemployed" creates an unfortunately safe 'generalization' that most people with disabilities are working class or living in poverty.   Or people with disabilities are 'spending down' private money from family or crowd-funding (high technology panhandling) to lessen the struggle to retain, or obtain, eligibility for 'safety net' social welfare programs offering help with rent, food, utility bills and even cell phone and internet access.  

  An affordable housing task force recommended, among other things, allowing owners of single family homes to add accessory apartments without approval of a 'zoning variance' or 'special exception' in a permitting process. 

Please bear with copy and paste because of old source material with questionable link permanence again:


 http://www.gazette.net/stories/040908/bethnew210711_32358.shtml







Leggett targets high housing costs with tax break, impact fee
Task force also ponders streamlining development rules
by Bradford Pearson | Staff Writer





Montgomery County’s first-time homebuyers could see a property tax break while commercial developers could pay a new impact fee as part of County Executive Isiah Leggett’s plan to provide more affordable housing.


He has also proposed streamlining some regulations and selling bonds to make a 40 percent increase to a fund the county uses to buy properties for affordable housing.
Leggett’s proposals were the culmination of a study by a task force he formed in February 2007. The 40-member group, which comprised housing experts, developers, community members and government officials, released a 74-page report Friday.
‘‘It is critically important to provide housing opportunities to families and individuals of all income levels,” said Leggett (D). ‘‘It makes us a better, more vibrant and a balanced county.”
Rick Nelson, director of the county Department of Housing and Community Affairs and co-chairman for the task force, said the trick now is putting the words into action.
‘‘We’ve come up with some good ideas to supply affordable housing,” he said. ‘‘But we need to find a way to make them a reality.”
The task force report lacked some specifics; it did not suggest an amount for the impact fee, for example. But Leggett said he will outline his plan in four or five pieces of legislation he will present to the County Council. The bills will be introduced in the next few months, said Mary Anderson, a county spokeswoman.
‘‘Our work force lives in West Virginia, Pennsylvania and the outskirts of Maryland,” said Council President Michael J. Knapp (D-Dist. 2) of Germantown, who agrees with Leggett’s proposal. ‘‘Now is the time to take action. All of our work force should live here.”
Of the 8,689 full-time workers employed by the county government, 43 percent live outside the county, said Donna Bigler, a county spokeswoman.
As the cost of housing in Montgomery County rises, the people who work in the county can no longer afford to live in it, said Leggett, in a speech Friday at the 17th annual Affordable Housing Conference in North Bethesda. In an effort to retain county employees, Leggett proposed temporarily reducing property taxes and other fees associated with purchasing a home in Montgomery County.
Anderson said Leggett will work on the specifics of the plan over the next few weeks.
While Leggett was running for office in 2006, he outlined many of the suggestions seen in the report, including the increase in the Housing Initiative Fund and the tax credits for first-time homebuyers. Three months after he was inaugurated, he established the task force.
While Leggett stressed the importance of homeownership, he also said there is a need to retain and improve affordable apartments and condominiums. He outlined new construction of affordable units in Olney, North Bethesda and Rockville, and preserving existing low-cost units.
Development deals with the county are being finalized for 117 mixed-income units — 60 percent of units would be sold below market rate — on Bowie Mill Road in Olney, as well as 80 units of affordable senior housing on Fleet Street in Rockville.   

[bold emphasis added]
Within the past year, Housing and Community Affairs has also assisted HOC in purchasing 49 two- and three-bedroom apartments in Rockville’s King Farm, which will be sold as affordable housing to county residents.
According to the HOC, more than 20,000 households are on the county’s waiting list for some type of low-income public housing.
The county has 69,000 apartments and condominiums in buildings of 12 or more units; 27,000 of them are labeled as affordable, Anderson said. Affordable means a household making less than 50 percent of the median household income in the county — $98,000 — would dedicate 30 percent of its income toward housing.
While Anderson said no goal is set for the number of units Leggett is hoping to create or refurbish, she said he will be basing his plan off the county’s Housing Policy, adopted in 2001. In that plan, the county worked to create 1,160 new affordable units per year and preserve another 1,700 units.
Also tucked in the plan is a measure to allow accessory apartments — small apartments attached to homes or garages — to be approved without a special permit, as is currently granted by the county’s hearing examiner.
Jim Humphrey, planning and land use chairman for the Montgomery County Civic Federation, said that while the federation supports some of the goals set forth by Leggett, that is not one.
‘‘This is just a dreadful idea,” he said. ‘‘Of all the citizens across the county we spoke with about this, not one who got an exception thought it was expensive or time-consuming. To take this step out of the process is terrible.”

To pay for the new measures, Leggett proposed a nearly 40 percent increase in the county’s Housing Initiative Fund, from $39 million to $54 million. Through the sale of county bonds, he hopes to raise the total to $80 million within the next year and $100 million within two years.
Leggett is also proposing an Affordable Housing Impact Fee, which will be levied on new commercial development, including office and retail space. The fee, which has not been determined yet, will be based on the square footage of each development.
Even without any specifics, real estate executives were wary.
‘‘I think that’s a barrier for the developer. ... If there’s a fee it will prevent people from buying the land and doing any kind of development,” said John Lin, president and CEO of CapStar Commercial Realty. ‘‘For a developer if they can’t get over that first hump,having a fee, they might decide not to do any building at all.”
Kevin Maloney, president and CEO of Maloney & Metz, a commercial real estate services company, said he didn’t think it was fair to tax the commercial building industry to pay for affordable housing.
‘‘I think it’s piling on ... it’s taxing anywhere they would like to tax,” said Maloney, chairman of Bethesda-Chevy Chase Chamber of Commerce.
To learn more





    By 2011 Montgomery County, Maryland allowed accessory apartments 'by right' of ownership not by a 'case by case' permitting process.  Unfortunately many of the accessory apartments in Montgomery County, Md as well as Washington D.C., became 'gig economy' or 'second job' income sources from renting them to travelers, not permanent residents, on house-sharing web sites like airbnb.com, Home Away and VRBO.  There is little infrastructure demand except on transportation infrastructure of roads and bus and rail transit systems for travel between airports, bus and rail stations and the accessory apartment that became an 'accessory hotel room.'  


  A letter stated that low-income residents who use bicycles and probably live without a car (that they cannot afford to own) can shift car ownership costs to housing rental (taxes included in rent) or long term purchase with mortgage and tax payments


 On the contrary, low-income residents use bikes as a way to get around, and the benefits of cycling are many, not the least of which is its low cost for the user, leaving more income for other needs, such as housing. It reduces neighborhood traffic and relieves the pressure on parking, both of which were called out in this article.


replying to the article about to what extent the unintended consequence of new housing being used as 'sharing economy' hotel rooms instead of 'permanent housing' was a problem in limiting the supply of affordable housing.  

   People shifting their transportation costs to housing costs is a manifestation of how individuals privatize the costs of 'living with,' rather than reversing, the national and global issue of worsening income and wealth inequality.  Inability to 'socialize the costs' of a 'civil society' combined with the fewer and fewer people with more and more wealth being unwilling to pay their 'fair share' of taxes 

 In an era of unreliable public transit and little political will to fund new transit projects, when low-income communities still face many barriers in connecting to the rest of the city and the looming dangers of climate change will affect them disproportionately, our government and our communities should be promoting increased use of active transportation, including cycling. Cyclists and bicycle infrastructure are not the enemy. Please stop depicting them as such.

to make existing shared (common carrier) transit systems more reliable as well as expanding them demonstrates a systemic manifestation of a lack of "political will." 

  And back to the copied and pasted (from questionably permanent link above) 2007 link from a local newspaper that went out of business in June 2015 that may have 'put their archives out of business' as well:

‘‘I think that’s a barrier for the developer. ... If there’s a fee it will prevent people from buying the land and doing any kind of development,” said John Lin, president and CEO of CapStar Commercial Realty. ‘‘For a developer if they can’t get over that first hump,having a fee, they might decide not to do any building at all.”
Kevin Maloney, president and CEO of Maloney & Metz, a commercial real estate services company, said he didn’t think it was fair to tax the commercial building industry to pay for affordable housing.
‘‘I think it’s piling on ... it’s taxing anywhere they would like to tax,” said Maloney, chairman of Bethesda-Chevy Chase Chamber of Commerce.



  Developers who build and manage housing need to accept greater fees or taxes for mixed income, class-integrated, housing instead of mollifying local opponents of building new housing (such as Montgomery County Civic Federation Planning and Land Use committee members as well as cbar.info among other local civic associations) at higher densities than detached houses or townhouses by building mostly high density luxury (class A apartment) housing to create a community populated with a mostly higher density of high income people.  A simple walk through Bethesda along Arlington and Old Georgetown (Md rt 187) roads shows that is what most of the stiffly-resisted new housing has become once built and occupied.  


  Developers who tear down older smaller homes to build bigger homes on the same lot (suburban renewal), including Jim Humphrey's after an April 2015 sale, sold at sale prices over a million dollars (custom design-build homebuilders) are the only developers whose campaign donations fail to receive the same scrutiny and shaming by Montgomery County council and executive candidates who proclaim their refusal to accept campaign donations from developers and unions (as if the amounts of money donated were equivalent they are not).  Perhaps custom design-build developers receive less shaming because the added residential density doesn't produce any additional housing units.  The added residential density is only a bigger 'footprint' on the same parcel of land that raises the resale market prices ever upward to more problematically unaffordable price points.

  The individual cost-shifting of money once spent for a car to housing was also advocated in the Montgomery County, Md unincorporated town of Bethesda 




So traffic is so bad that homes and condos are selling for unaffordable prices? What happened to the free market? Could it be that walkability, transit and urban amenities trump traffic congestion in buying or renting a home? Can the people in Germantown (and elsewhere) that travel to work in Bethesda more easily afford to own or rent in Bethesda with or without the burden of owning a car, too? (That's about 20 percent of household expenses after taxes.) What if we cap or lower the amount of housing in Bethesda to address traffic? Won't that just make it harder for "those people" to live in Bethesda? Who's clueless?
 

where according to commenter "Richard" a person could afford housing by replacing their car with subscription car and bike rental (not car-sharing or bike-sharing) as well as transit fares with added time to plan every single trip.  People, according to commenter "Richard," should simply move each time they change jobs instead of commuting a shorter or longer distance.  Road congestion can be lessened, for people who can still afford both housing and a car, by simply pricing people out of car ownership who wish to stay residents in a hyper-gentrifying community they like to live in.  

   The old racial segregation slogan of 'know your place' has been simply green-washed in the 21st century as class-segregation of eco-friendly, lower carbon and climate change-resilient communities that the 70% of people with disabilities, among other working class and poverty-burdened people, who are unemployed or underemployed cannot afford the choice to live in.  
 





   



Wednesday, September 20, 2017

"all means all" remedy harm to SPMI/mental health disabled community intersectional with physical, sensory and developmental disability community


    
  Right from the Berkeley, CA Center for Independent Living CIL start by Ed Roberts, the Independent Living (IL) movement was never as inclusive in the lived experience of disability or cognizance and inclusion of differing lived experiences of people with different types of and degrees of impairment of functioning in the performance of major life activities (disability), of early organizers.  The organizer Ed Roberts was remembered in a 2013 tweet, sharing links to blog posts.

  Demands for social change were always more exclusive

There now exists over 2,000 Centers for Independent Living in the United States alone. The core Service provided under the Rehab Act include, transition for people leaving nursing homes and youth, information and referral, independent living skills training, peer counseling, and advocacy.



 than the inclusivity of the rhetoric, used to organize people, by groups like the Berkeley, CA CIL, and ADAPT (Americans Disabled for Accessible Public Transportation and Americans Disabled for Attendant Programs Today), as well as the EnDependence Center of Northern Virginia.  Psychiatric hospitals were rarely considered as equal institutions (compared with nursing homes and developmental disability 'residential treatment centers') to transition their residents out of into community with financial aid paying the costs individuals with disabilities could not pay of inclusive living in communities of a person's choosing.  A state (commonwealth) of Virginia legislative honorary bill acknowledged the movement connections between the Berkeley, CA CIL and the EnDependence Center of Northern Virginia.


  People with SPMI/consumer-survivors/behavioral and mental health issues were left out in demands of activists and in representation.  Compounding the injustice was the federal funding (lobbied for by National Council for Independent Living NCIL) for Centers for Independent Living CILS (at least one in all 50 USA states totalling 2,000 by 2013) that rarely served needs of people with disabilities (#PwDs) living with any type of disability unrelated to eye, ear, spine and mobility impairments as well as intellectual and (not or) developmental disabilities. 


   Wellness and recovery centers aka peer-run/consumer-survivor run 'clubhouse model' drop-in centers were ignored by NCIL lobbying for CIL designation and funding streams.  

  This document from California in 2011 stated specifically the purpose of wellness and recovery centers was to attempt to do more for as many, if not more, people with less money.



  In northeast California, mostly counties around Sacramento, this link describes patients' rights services and consumer-run programs run under contract since 2007.

  New York State brands, by naming the state agency administering the distribution of money, the mission of public mental health system treatment to helping people recover from addiction to alcohol and other substances.  

  Sidebars on the site about Recovery Oriented System of Care ROSC with links to core values, recovery coaching with costs shifted from the state to private individuals and groups thereof,  and public resources link elsewhere. 










 The Copeland Center that designed an individual plan for maintaining wellness and recovery as well as curricula for training people how to help others to write their own plans begins a summary of WRAP (wellness and recovery action plans) by describing they are based on "the principle of self-determination.

The Wellness Recovery Action Plan (WRAP®) is a personalized wellness and recovery system born out of and rooted in the principle of self-determination. WRAP® is a wellness and recovery approach that helps people to: 1) decrease and prevent intrusive or troubling feelings and behaviors; 2) increase personal empowerment; 3) improve quality of life; and 4) achieve their own life goals and dreams. Working with a WRAP® can help individuals to monitor uncomfortable and distressing feelings and behaviors and, through planned responses, reduce, modify, or eliminate those feelings. A WRAP® also includes plans for responses from others when an individual cannot make decisions, take care of him/herself, and/or keep him/herself safe.


  The Berkeley, CA CIL started by Ed Roberts, among others, grounded what became the Independent Living IL movement and its Centers for Independent Living CILS (supported by the

National Council for Independent Living NCIL) in the same "principle of self-determination" while never meaningfully working together particularly to jointly advocate for funding (expand the 1974 Rehab Act funding stream to state and local governments) local CILS for people with intellectual and physical disabilities as well as wellness and recovery 'drop-in' or 'clubhouse model' centers for people living with mental illness.  

more examples (not a complete list) of DC, VA and MD peer-run facilities serving people who the Independent Living (IL) movement left behind in the most meaningful way of shared advocacy for a common funding stream:

Silver Spring Wellness and Recovery Center 1400 Spring Street (formerly at 7961 Eastern Ave and 700 Roeder Rd under Affiliated Sante Group/Rock Creek Foundation staffing or at least space rental costs) Silver Spring


On Our Own wellness and recovery center 434 East Diamond Ave Gaithersburg

as one of many On Our Own wellness and recovery centers in Maryland ignored in the CIL designation and funding stream process supported nationally by NCIL


SMILE Center 7611 Little River Turnpike (VA route 236) suite E-100 Annandale formerly located at 6245 King Street (VA route 7) Bailey's Crossroads. Organizational move may have been based on lower commercial rent even to a nonprofit.

Laurie Mitchell Employment Center 6295 Edsall Rd Alexandria near Service Source formerly Fairfax Opportunities Unlimited

lmec.org is the direct web site but it wasn't online as of Sept 15, 2017.  lmecc.org wasn't online either.  Three links in first mention of name describe LMECC (Laurie Mitchell Employment and Empowerment Center) services.  Maybe if NCIL lobbied for funding, after designation as a CIL, then LMECC would at least be able to maintain a web site improving its communication accessibility to provide services to people or stay in operation, if LMEC or LMECC has closed by 2017, as the Green Door in Washington D.C. closed in 2010.


 The National Consumers Self-Help Clearinghouse links to peer-run drop in centers for people with SPMI that were probably also ignored in the CIL designation and funding process lobbied for by NCIL.  Self-help is useless without financial aid in paying the costs of help, in money and in time to develop skills to make what one cannot afford the 'market price' of, an individual in need cannot pay.


The exclusion of people recovering from SPMI was worsened by a misperception



Hinckley was found not guilty by reason of insanity.
His assassination attempt - and the outcome of his trial - sparked a visceral sense of outrage among the American public.
"There was a lot of shock, there was anger," recalled Julian Zelizer, a presidential historian at Princeton University, to CBS News' Jake Miller in 2015.

"Reagan himself talked about how the law was too easy on criminals and this played right into that. There were many people who were skeptical that insanity was a legitimate defense after an assassination attempt on the American president. ... I think the popular assumption is if you try to assassinate the president - and actually shoot the president - you're gonna be in jail for life."



 that John Hinckley, Jr 'got off' or 'cheated justice' with his not guilty by reason of insanity (NGRI) defense for trying to murder former President Ronald Reagan 2 months after he was inaugurated (March 30, 1981).  Maryland, as an example, changed its law to regard someone 'not criminally responsible' rather than not guilty. 

 Advocacy for continued confinement continued in 2015


until his release to his parents (class and race privilege they were still able to fill a caregiving role replacing public funds for other caregivers) in 2016.



   John Hinckley, Jr's release terms were loosened further by November 2018.  Treatment for mental illnesses works. Mental illness/psychiatric symptoms/traits (anxiety and depression) are co-occurring/co-morbid with developmental disabilities like autism. A person should not be prevented from accessing treatment by inadequate public funding (if the person and their family isn't rich enough to pay privately) to provide long term supports and services delivered in home and community based settings, until the criminal justice system becomes involved.  Private service providers (government contractors) rely existentially on public funding to provide most of the services.

 Inability to determine a consistent 'metric of disability' impairing individual abilities to perform major life activities as well as recognize the difference between illegal behavior and legal behavior, for people living with an intellectual or psychiatric/mental health disability, led to executions despite questionable individual competency.  



  By 2007 Andrew J. Imparato in "Disability Rights and the Death Penalty" tried to protect people with mobility, sensory and cognitive/intellectual disabilities from the same stigma that kills 'political will' for social safety net funding.  That funding pays the costs of inclusive community living that people cannot pay themselves in money or in time to make what they cannot afford to buy quickly enough to meet individual needs.


[link dead by 2017 copy and paste from previous page view added. TLDR (too long don't read) in reader's judgment of a problem - inclusion to communicate ideas is not the writer's problem - if one keeps reading by scrolling down the page.]


www.narpa.org/disabilityrightsandthedeathpenalty.htm



Disability Rights and the Death Penalty
By Andrew J. Imparato

Last Friday, ABC World News Tonight with Charles Gibson covered the South Dakota murder trial of Daphne Wright, a deaf woman whose attorney is arguing that she should not be subject to the death penalty because of difficulties she will experience in understanding the trial and communicating with jurors in the sentencing phase. The Wright case raises the question, as the ABC website put it, "Should the Deaf get Death?"

In the 2002 case of Atkins v. Virginia, the U.S. Supreme Court held that executing a person with an intellectual disability violates the Eighth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution's prohibition of "cruel and unusual punishment." In overturning a 1989 ruling that had upheld the constitutionality of the death penalty for defendants with intellectual disabilities, the Court noted that evolving standards of decency had led them to question whether executing people with intellectual disabilities would serve the purposes of deterrence or retribution for criminal behavior. The Court also questioned the capacity of defendants with intellectual disabilities to get a fair trial or to provide adequate assistance to their counsel.

This term, the Court is considering whether to extend the holding of Atkins and other cases to prohibit executions of some convicted criminals with psychiatric disabilities. In the case of Panetti v. Quarterman, the Supreme Court is considering the question: "Does the Eighth Amendment permit the execution of a death row inmate who has a factual awareness of the reason for his execution but who, because of a severe mental illness, has a delusional belief as to why the State is executing him, and thus does not appreciate that his execution is intended to seek retribution for his capital crime?"

Although there are many good reasons to take the position that the death penalty should be ruled unconstitutional across the board, the recent trend of identifying classes of disabled defendants for whom the practice should be considered unconstitutional is troubling. When we make arguments that people with mental or sensory disabilities should not be subjected to the death penalty because they cannot understand the consequences of their actions or they are inherently incapable of making an effective defense, we reinforce society's tendency to underestimate the capacity of people with disabilities to make choices for themselves and live with the consequences of those choices.

Artificially low expectations can make it more difficult for disabled individuals to obtain employment, obtain custody of a child in the wake of a divorce, adopt a child, and lead a life characterized by self determination, equal opportunity, and some degree of freedom. Historically, governments have tried to limit the ability of people with a variety of disabilities to marry, have children, own property, vote, drive a car, and engage in other life activities that many people take for granted. Thanks to laws like the Americans with Disabilities Act, these kinds of discriminatory legal prohibitions are less common. Nonetheless, unnecessarily negative and paternalistic attitudes about people with disabilities are still alive and well.

To be sure, there are serious problems with how our justice system fails to accommodate the needs of criminal defendants with disabilities. In the 2004 case of Tennessee v. Lane, a criminal defendant in a wheelchair had to fight all the way to the Supreme Court to force the State of Tennessee to acknowledge its obligation to hold its proceedings in an accessible courtroom. In the context of deaf and hard of hearing defendants, many jurisdictions fail to provide qualified sign language interpreters, real time captioning, and other accommodations that would ensure effective communication for the defendant at every stage in the criminal justice system. Moreover, these failures can and should be taken into account in determining whether the defendant's constitutional right to a fair trial has been violated.

However, when defense lawyers argue that deaf people should be categorically exempted from the death penalty, I am concerned that they are exploiting unrealistically low expectations about deaf people, and their arguments can set back the cause of disability rights.

[3/22/07]
Source: Andrew J. Imparato, AAPD




 Andrew Imparato relied on the 'presumed competence' 'meme,'  developed to oppose "artificially low expectations," reminiscent of 2000 Presidential candidate George W. (nicknamed "W" or Bush 43) Bush's Philadelphia Republican National Convention speech reference to the "soft bigotry of low expectations," to justify equally severe punishments for people with and without disabilities (the death penalty) who are convicted of aggravated and premeditated murders with no mitigating circumstance (such as disability preventing self-regulation of 'knowing legal from illegal behavior') or demonstrating remorse.  


  That 'presumed competence' 'meme' later supported the Margaret 'Jenny' Hatch court precedent regarding the sharing of authority by guardians with the person with a disability under guardianship called supported decision-making.  Jenny Hatch's attorney Jonathan Martinis, who won the Jenny Hatch case, moved on to direct the USDHHS Administration on Community Living-funded National Resource Center for Supported Decision-Making. 





  No money for promulgating the new precedent or helping others with further grants replicate it for their own lives is clearly available after Jenny Hatch's civil rights law 'test case' was decided in her favor.  Other people with disabilities struggle in poverty trying to 'make their own way' 'in the world.'  And the precedent directly applies to people with intellectual disabilities further complicating fiscal support of replication for people with other types of disabilities.


  Imparato's testimony in July 2007 


Hearing of the Senate Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee
“Community Services and Supports: Planning Across the Generations”
July 10, 2007
Testimony of Andrew J. Imparato
President and Chief Executive Officer
American Association of People with Disabilities (AAPD)


similarly left many people with disabilities behind by ignoring people with mental/behavioral/psychiatric illness in his examples to illustrate inadequate funding to help people live in communities of their own choosing undermining the inclusiveness of the 'cross-disability' mission of AAPD and its allies in the Independent Living IL movement.  Mental/behavioral/psychiatric illness can often be dual diagnoses or co-occur or be intersectional with developmental disabilities (including Autism Spectrum Disorder ASD) with degrees of intellectual disability too low for eligibility criteria for publicly-funded social safety net services. Perhaps Imparato ignored the consumer/survivor and other parts of the mental health community because of stigma that killed 'political will' to overcome bipartisan social liberalism and fiscal conservatism (neoliberalism and neoconservatism, market anarchism, left libertarianism, pre-Keynes 'classical liberal' economics views against deficit spending, 'independent' and other political partisan 'labels' intersectional with voting for mostly Republican or Libertarian-leaning candidates in elections).


  By 2014 a #scotus case disputed but ultimately upheld
the 2003 Atkins vs. Virginia outright ban on executing people with intellectual disability (formerly known as mental retardation in 2003) by inconsistent standards of medically diagnosing ('labeling') a person as living with intellectual disability formerly known as (FKA) mental retardation.  Disputes from the 2014 case will continue to misinform public policy and law to further harm the interests of people with all types of disabilities to live in communities of their own choosing by restraining the growth of public sector spending to levels inadequate to meet the needs of people with all types of disabilities. The private sector and 'individual and community resilience' cannot adequately substitute for the lack of adequate public sector spending to pay the costs of inclusion in communities of individuals' choosing that individuals cannot pay. 

  The disabled (#PwD-led or 'self-advocacy') and disability 'identity politics' communities (civil rights act protected classes under local, state and federal levels of civil rights law) are not healthy communities for all choosing voluntarily to participate in them.  The disabled community-led ('self') advocacy and disability 'identity politics' communities (civil rights law protected classes at all levels of government) will not be healthy communities for all people choosing voluntarily to participate in them unless and until the person with disability-led 'self-advocacy' community rhetoric of inclusion matches the demands for a better social safety net.  That better social safety net would pay the costs of inclusion, that people cannot pay themselves in money or time, for truly all people with disabilities regardless of type of disability and intensity of need/degree of impairment performing major life activities as the federal ADA and local and state disability civil rights laws broadly define them. 
 
 

Sunday, August 13, 2017

Disability Integration Act of 2017 third try for community inclusion financial aid for #PwDs



   The CLASS Act, passed as part of the ACA and repealed by Republican selective debt outrage in return for raising the Federal debt limit on July 31, 2011, was the successor to MiCassa.  Both the CLASS Act law and the MiCassa bill would have expanded the promise of community inclusion, by paying the costs that individuals with disabilities could not pay, made by the 1999 Supreme Court case Olmstead vs LC and EW.


   Earlier posts on this blog mentioned the CLASS Act as a systemic solution to 'do more good for more people with disabilities more quickly'  with administrative cognizance of individual variation and need for flexibility in implementation. 



  As written here


  The 'tea party'/House freedom caucus/congressional Republican majorities since January 2011 are more complicit in moving #PwDs farther from life with dignity. The members of the House and Senate caucuses and party majorities should be held more accountable for the July 31, 2011 Budget Control Act (sequester bill) that created a hostile fiscal climate to the CLASS Act that was repealed between October 2011 and December 2012 as part of 'fiscal cliff' FY2013 budget bad deal. 



  The Disability Integration Act of 2017 is CLASS Act v. 2.0.  Or v. 3.0 if one counts the demanded (by disability and human rights activism) MiCassa (Medicaid Attended Supports and Services Act) that was never actual law as the CLASS Act was.


 Descriptions of what the Disability Integration Act of 2017 would do were given here and in an interview with ADAPT member Gregg Beratan here which starts about 1 hour and 34 minutes into the video. 


 Rustedaspie, the author of this post, is hopeful the regulations resulting from a passed and signed Disability Integration Act of 2017 will allow more inclusive benefits such as allowing Medicaid to fund LTSS such as supported and customized employment services as well as community-based residential HCBS.   Medicaid benefits for habilitative care as well as residential supports in the community of the beneficiary's choosing, have been limited in the past, to get 'bipartisan' support from Republicans, elected by a voter 'base' of fiscal conservatives and 'Independents' (who often avoid voter registration by party, if their state of residence allows, to de-clutter their email boxes from lists asking for small campaign donations or petition signatures if little else) whose votes are motivated by beliefs like this letter.




  Appealing to views like the above letter is why the leaders of disabled community-led (self-advocacy) activism overlook being repeatedly divided by a severity contest/oppression Olympics/respectability politics taking the form of diverting people with 'less intense' needs to 'building disability community together,' in peer-led online and IRL groups, while people with 'more intense' needs get more of their needs met at less of their own cost in money and time.  
    

Friday, July 7, 2017

Corporate and 1%-er GDP Ownership Class Greed Forces 99%-ers to Fight Amongst Themselves for decreasing GDP share left - Some of which funds Social Safety Net





  Walter Olson's and Rand Paul's examples of corporate cost-shifting of disability inclusion, from civil society by democratic fiscal policy to individuals, is as bad as, if not worse than, parents of children whose medical diagnoses were formerly known as (FKA) Higher Functioning Autism or Asperger's Syndrome and may have been socially regarded by others as "shiny aspies."  The corporate and richest 1% cost-shifting harms all autistics trying to live in communities of their own choosing regardless of individual profiles of strengths and weaknesses and how they support themselves with either paid job income or do unpaid work with the financial support of relatives, SSI/SSDI and other 'safety net' programs paid for by taxes (the public).

 Parents who were accused of "neurelitism"  (self-advocate distortion of parental high expectations for their children with a disability without cognizance of other autistic parents' and childrens' differing needs) by self-advocates for other autistics who were 'labelled' 'lower functioning autistic' or 'Kanner-type severe autism,'  are less responsible for the division in the autistic segment of the disabled and disability communities by a severity contest/oppression olympics/respectability politics.


 The 2015-16 personal reputation 'teardown' of Hans Asperger, after the erasure of the former AS medical diagnosis by the DSM 5, as allegedly a nazi sympathizer because of the death of one patient Herta Schreiber in Spiegelgrund 'hospital,' actually a eugenic killing center, in Austria


Contrary to Mr. Silberman I do not defend or condone these murderous actions. Mr. Silberman’s callousness is articulated in his book Neurotribes where he glorifies autism by exalting its gifts but failing to emphasize its handicaps, drawbacks or comorbidities. This fact is agreed upon by Mr. Silberman himself who in a Forbes magazine interview stated that he had left out the diaper wearers and head bangers because, “If we live long enough, we all become ‘diaper wearers’ eventually…Disability is a part of the human experience.” Again, this is NOT the case. Head banging or wearing diapers is not part of our human experience, no matter the age of the person. Mr. Silberman should stop callously minimizing some of the symptoms observed in autism spectrum disorders. As is now too common to Mr. Silberman his statements are insulting to those who are most seriously disabled and to the families who are taking care of them.

continued the erasure of the economic intersection by ignoring 'who pays the costs' of inclusion of all autistics, regardless of the degree of 'intense needs' individual autistics demonstrate, at an individual level to live in communities of their own choosing.

  Steve Silberman's Forbes interview reference

“If we live long enough, we all become ‘diaper wearers’ eventually…Disability is a part of the human experience.”


 is conflating many individual independent living problems related to disability with independent living problems related to aging to enlarge the 'community' of people to make it more representative (closer to a majority) of the population as a whole in a political subdivision (level of government local, state or nation).  Local governments make the same conflation of disability and aging in how they organize and fund public services while still balancing their public budgets.
  
  Examples are the Commonwealth (officially not a State) of Virginia Department of Aging and Rehabilitative Services, mission shift thanks to leadership of the late Theresa Preda.




On July 14, 2016, Theresa Preda passed away following a brief illness.
Theresa was born in Beaver Falls, Pennsylvania, on July 30, 1950. Theresa, a 1968 graduate of Monaca High School, has been Director of Independent Living for the Virginia Department of Rehabilitative Services, now the Virginia Department for Aging and Rehabilitative Services, for 29 years. She was a founding member of ADAPT and the National Council of Independent Living. Theresa was involved with the National Educational Leadership Policy Fellowship, Metropolitan Leadership Richmond, and Leadership Denver and was appointed to the Council on Women by Governor Kaine.

  Virginia did the same 'mission merge' of combining rehabilitation, including job-search assistance, for senior citizens and PwDs (people with disabilities) that Montgomery County, Md has already done with the combined mission of Aging and Disability Resources Unit in the county DHHS that supervises the Commission on People with Disabilities.  Aging individuals (seniors) likely don't want to continue working their issues are more likely to be physical barriers that intersect with people with physical or sensory disabilities.  Intellectual disabilities intersect with seniors living with dementia.  People living with/recovering from mental illness or DD without ID are left unserved in the 'mission merge.' A separate Mental Health Advisory Committee advises the Montgomery County Executive about mental health disabilities allowing the Commission on People with Disabilities to ignore even intersectional issues like job development and affordable housing.  




  Fairfax
http://www.fairfaxcounty.gov/csb/wellness/drop-in-centers.htm

http://www.fairfaxcounty.gov/csb/publications/intellectual-disability-services-description.htm

http://www.fairfaxcounty.gov/csb/

http://www.fairfaxcounty.gov/csb/publications/autism-resources.htm

and Arlington Counties in VA


https://commissions.arlingtonva.us/community-services-board/csb-committee-meetings/

https://commissions.arlingtonva.us/community-services-board/

https://commissions.arlingtonva.us/disability-advisory-commission-dac/

https://commissions.arlingtonva.us/disability-advisory-commission-dac/regional-grants-to-disability-groups/
 

and Montgomery County in MD



http://www.montgomerycountymd.gov/HHS-Program/Program.aspx?id=ADS/ADSResourceCoord-p234.html

also have Aging and Disability Services Departments with combined missions that leave some people with disabilities excluded in the benefit payments, for services delivered, provided. 



  People whose issues are not 'intense' 'enough' to be found eligible for services in the process of administratively 'grading people,' are repeatedly left out in the 'grading people' administrative decisions on who is helped with paying the costs of inclusion, as the 2008 ANI Autreat presentation described.  The term 'grading people,' recalls a 2010 Autreat presentation, by Amanda Baggs, Drew Goldsmith and Morton Ann Gernsbacher mentioned here is 
about the concept of socially, but not administratively, 'grading people' to minimize the publicly-paid monetary costs to helping only autistics with the most 'intense needs' formerly known as 'low functioning.'  That presentation ignored equitable ways of providing help paying the costs of inclusion in a community of one's own choosing when a person with a disability, that is also a medical diagnosis, can't pay the costs themselves in money, or time building relationships, with similarly situated people with disabilities.




 The author of the corticalchauvinism blog post misses the economic intersectionality of who pays the costs to a lesser extent than Silberman, who also ignores the economic intersectionality of who pays the costs an individual can't, in favor of trying to claim a 'moral high ground' to guide the advocacy and public policy of how to treat people placed in vulnerable life journeys by the disabilities they were born with. 
As is now too common to Mr. Silberman his statements are insulting to those who are most seriously disabled and to the families who are taking care of them.

  Self-advocates, who also advocate for others who cannot advocate for themselves, continue to ignore the public costs of autistic inclusion by minimizing them to helping the autistics with the most 'intense needs' after diverting as many autistics with less 'intense needs' to 'building autistic community together' to individually privatize the costs, in money and time, of the 'social safety net' to get 'bipartisan' legislative votes in the "gloomy" (as Tyler Cowen described) 'political' and 'governing' process, for what little is left of the 'social safety net.' 


  Disputes about 'individual representation is a legislative fiction,' written about in earlier posts




Try telling that to Autism Speaks or Grasp then, who act with much less
honourable motives than ASAN.
Individual representation is always a legislative fiction, no one person in 
any large community can accurately represent the beliefs and aspirations of 
every single constituent, not in the least because those are likely to be 
paradoxical an contradictory. One therfore advocates a community rather than 
individuals.

 


were about trying to claim a role of majority 'influencer' of movement decisions for autistics leading advocacy by process complaints if they could not be the majority 'influencer' of decisions on issue complaints of what to demand in collective advocacy.  

  In simpler words, 'win an argument' by controlling the group decision making process (including public discourse about disability without equal participation of people with disabilities e.g. the slogan 'nothing about us without us') while 'agreeing to disagree' on issue positions to advocate for.  People who disagree may drop out of one organization in a bigger movement and address the same issues differently, often leading to further conflict if the two organizations attempt to work in coalitions.  The sustainable growth of both organizations, as well as the movement as a whole, may be hampered as well.  


  The choice to 'self-advocate' as 'one autistic community' to expand the social safety net to help more autistics more quickly, with administrative and public policymaking cognizance of individual variation, was a choice that too few autistic self-advocates, in leadership positions and seeking to retain them, in organizations like GRASP, ASAN nationally and in local chapters, AASCEND, Autism National Committee, ANI Autism Network International and AAC (Association for Autistic Community successor to ANI at least in Autreat management), as well as organizations not led by autistics, made to the detriment of the autistic community as a whole.